The hints that led to the capture of BK-16 might have been deliberately set up by a worldwide group of hackers who work for money, and their main center is located in India.
In India, sixteen people from various areas—from Delhi to Hyderabad—were detained between 2018 and 2020 on suspicion of being ‘Urban Naxals,’ or Maoist terrorists. According to this book, they were truly activists backing grassroots movements opposing injustice, land grabs, and abuses by the government while also working for democracy and social justice. While some were acquainted and worked together, others did not unite in solidarity until they were named as the BK-16 in the Bhima Koregaon case.
It’s evident that the government made a conscious attempt to hush the BK-16 after spending three years investigating the BK case. It’s unclear when other government agencies got involved, but the case had strong backing by 2020 when it was transferred to the NIA, the primary anti-terror task force. Although it is difficult to ascertain the reasons behind people’s actions in the state, several police officers, in an interview with Shivaji Bodkhe, stated that they felt they were acting in the public’s best interest. Bodkhe considered the BK-16’s arrests as a high point in his career since he was certain that the group was made up of violent leftist fanatics.
The fact that false material was used to incite public opposition to the BK-16 and ultimately result in their arrest is another significant point. On their computers, some of this evidence was planted. With experts worldwide taking an interest in it, this case has grown in importance for research on cyber espionage. Along with land, sea, air, and space, cyberwarfare is now acknowledged as the fifth domain of warfare, a subject that many people are comparatively ignorant of. This book emphasizes how crucial it is to deal with cyberthreats to protect democratic liberties going forward.
US experts who studied the cyber-data in the BK case found a link between computer hackers and the arresting police. Because of the careless job done, they discovered the level of hacking, surveillance, and evidence tampering. A portion of the material was so badly faked that important pieces, such as the letter claiming a scheme to
assassinate Prime Minister Modi, were missing from the charges filed by the NIA against the arrested individuals.
A third significant discovery about cyber espionage is revealed by more research. It implies that a group of hired hackers most likely remotely planted the evidence that was utilized to apprehend the BK-16. Although this group is based in India, it operates all over the world.
A big revelation is that, on January 1, 2018, there was a riot in Bhima Koregaon that targeted Dalits. The arrests of the BK-16 were essentially intended to divert attention away from the genuine troublemakers. Before the violence broke out, Hindutva activists Sambhaji Bhide and Milind Ekbote were inciting local Marathas against Dalits and creating friction between the communities. Ekbote was eventually released from custody despite his first detention for inciting the protests. Then, the Pune City Police altered the narrative, claiming that some of the BK-16 were the ones who instigated the violence, which resulted in their apprehension.
The Bhima Koregaon case shows how many government institutions, including the courts, are controlled. It also reveals how groups of vigilantes around the country have trained young people to enforce their version of morality, like the mobs that attacked Dalits on January 1, 2018. The police seem to let certain offenders off the hook, like Milind Ekbote and Sambhaji Bhide, while cracking down hard on others, like the BK-16. The government can use tough anti-terrorism laws like the UAPA to throw dissenters in jail without a fair trial. Much of the judiciary seems to have bowed to the government’s wishes, as shown by the many recusals in this case, repeated denial of bail, and refusal to consider evidence that the main basis for locking up the BK-16 was fake.
The way the Modi regime manipulates news and communication channels is another discovery. The government’s version of events is one that many major media sources are eager to promote. This was made clear by the media coverage that proclaimed the BK activists guilty before their trial and swiftly circulated a fictitious letter alleging an assassination plot against Modi. Raids on independent news sources, lawsuits against journalists, and their imprisonment demonstrate how media outlets that challenged the government’s narrative were singled out to keep them silent. One runs the risk of being called “anti-national” for criticizing the administration. Speaking up for the BK-16 and other persecuted individuals puts one at risk of being labeled as an “Urban Naxal” and being arrested for violating anti-terrorism legislation. The phrase “Urban Naxal” has gained widespread usage in the media and among the BJP.
Another example of how international financial and economic institutions can arm and sustain regimes that target activists for democratic rights is the Bhima Koregaon case. Authoritarian leaders and governments, such as Prime Minister Modi and the RSS, gain legitimacy from events like the G20 Summit, which brings together major economies, and the US-hosted Summit for Democracy, which aims to bolster democracy domestically and confront autocracies abroad. They even allowed these leaders to construe democracy in a way that served their interests. This expands upon the legitimacy and acceptance that the US and UK governments gave Modi upon his appointment as prime minister, which provides the context for this book.
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